GADAR, AND HIS MASTER"S VOICE...

"Gadar In Mumbai!" the press releases announced. After his fiery outcries in Pune, Gaddar alias Gummadi Vittal Rao alias Telegu balladeer and revolutionary spoke (and sang and danced) out at The Press Club, Lovelane BIT Chawl – Mazagaon, and Ambedkar Bhavan. His topics: Khairlanji, acquisition of land for SEZs, American imperialism, and Left hypocrisy. He juxtaposed Manu Smriti with the Constitution. He crtitiqued the politician with a four legged chair. He integrated Mahatma Phule, Savitribai and Bhim Rao Ambedkar. And he targeted George Bush, SS – BJP, Sharad Pawar, middle class dalits… and then some. Our first glimpse of the bard was minus his vast audiences. He was rehearsing the evening's performance with a group of boys from Telengana, tapping his dolu (Telegu for drum) to check their timing. The venue was a bare flat in a government servant's building quarters. When we remarked this was ironical for a man whose life was dedicatedly anti-establishment, Gaddar laughed his booming laugh: "Working with a government bank (Canara Bank 1975-84) hadn't stopped me from striking in the same bank – far less carrying on my 'fight'. I am a revolutionary… within or without the system!"



THE IMPORTANCE



Why does a folk singer wearing a gochi (dhoti), black gongali (a rough wool shawl) and anklets build such a beat? Because he sings social and revolutionary songs? Isn't that every balladeer's trademark? And how was Gaddar's Apuro Rickshaw (his first big hit – 1971) on a rickshaw driver's plight any more novel than Nanduri Subbarao's Yenki Paatalu (on a washerwoman)? Gaddar's name shot to major headlines during four and a half years of exile (spurred by the police raiding his house in 1985 post his denunciation of dalit killings in Karamchedu village by upper caste landlords). It came after an assassination attempt – which he alleges was by the police themselves – where one of the three bullets shot into him couldn't be removed due to medical complication. It came after he was chosen as an emissary for Naxalite peace negotiations with the Telegu Desam Party in 2001, and later the Congress Party in 2004-05. With Varavara Rao and Kalyana Rao – the other two emissaries for the 2004-5 negotiations being placed under arrest, that leaves Gaddar as one of the only really prominent free-wandering spokespersons of the now CPI (Maoist). His discarding the barrel of his power-spewing gun (carried during the exile years) for his now touted lath (read shepherd's staff) is more than symbolic.



THE PRINCIPLES

"I hail armed revolution," Gaddar retorts. He speaks, even in private conversation, as though he is announcing and intersperses dialogue with singing liberally. Just as he confidently poses for our photographer and asks him every now and then: "Do you want a different pose?" Even in opposition to imperialism he has perfected the key imperialistic weapon – image marketing. Take a book: John Perkins Confessions Of An Economic Hit-Man, where the author admits to having been a key player in frauds inducing developing countries to borrow from the world bank as per misrepresented forecasts… only to use their debt to extort economic, political and military favours for the US. "We have been saying this from Bhagat Singh's time," Gaddar laughs again. "But this book is important for spreading awareness among the middle class – since it's by an American himself. We're arranging for Telegu translations!" But what if for a moment, Gaddar and all those he speaks for, were in power? What great changes would the revolutionaries induce? "We would put those who have caused and continue to cause such tragedies in our land in jail." As we gape (and then he demands civil liberties!), he elucidates: "We are in 'economic jail' because of a handful of people exploiting the population! Do you think that those who've caused so many deaths should be left free to cause them again?" Moving on to the main priorities he outlines: "Land, water and electricity has to be liberated! And the World Bank has to be told…" he sticks out his thumb here as the boys around us laugh "…sorry, thank you, go home!" Then he points to an Aqua Fina bottle: "Tell me please. Why is a Pepsi label supplying me with my drinking water?" More laughter. Hail another imperialistic weapon: humour. Gaddar was criticized by some Dalit supporters because he supported the CPI (Maoist), which had a high caste (read Reddy) bias where it's leaders were concerned. "The 'high-caste revolutionaries they are talking about have spent stayed with Dalits in Vidarbha despite being sons of crorepatis." He also talks about people who despite being of a high caste are "economically Dalit" winding up with "the problem at hand is a caste and a class problem. We have to have to say Jai Bheem and Lal Salaam in one breath." About the caste problem, this born Dalit has an interesting perspective: "There is a greater problem than education – it's self respect. I have forbidden my children from availing of any reservations. Reservations have led to many Dalits in high posts who do nothing for their community. It doesn't change anything." Post his 1997 attempted assassination, Gaddar had discussed the electoral system as a possible way to improve things, saying, "Many changes are taking place and would take place in politics." Today, he claims, "The electoral system has become fake for people. I have not participated in election with good reason – it's a failure of Democracy."



OF OTHER THINGS…

Post political discussion, we shift to other things of life. Does the Maoist supporter believe in God, for instance? He skirts the question: "I don't force beliefs on anyone. It's the misuse of religion I'm against." What about education? "Many people in Andhra Pradesh (quite a few Dalits) are educated – right upto an MA or Phd. But they still don't have Pragnya – an intuitive consciousness of what is right. You cannot assume that education will bestow this on someone!" And family? "My family has suffered a lot because of me… psychology as well as physically. But what I am fighting for involves them too."



A DIPLOMATIC CONCLUSION



In an old but detailed 1985 critique titled Naxalism Today: At An Ideological Dead End, Prakash Karat outlined "the failure to unite" as one of the principal reasons for Naxalism's decline – and predicted that it would stay that way: "The obstacle to unity is not only on pro and anti-Charuite lines… (but)… difference on the content of Mao Zedong thought, attitude to the Chinese Communist Party, application of the three world theory, participation in parliamentary activities, individual annihilation, armed struggle tactics and mass work and mass organizations concepts." Two of the parties he'd blasted in his critique were the CPI (M-L) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre Of India. These have in 2004 merged to form the CPI (Maoist) mentioned above. Their strength, earlier estimated at 10,000 armed fighters and 6,500 firearms is only increasing. (Gaddar claims there are 10 lakhs more "mentally armed to use stones and sticks"). And their supposed liason with the Maoists in Nepal isn't a sign of any "failure to unite" on ideology. Gaddar's views while still extreme come laced with diplomacy – forwarding separate solutions for separate situations. Is this the sign of adaptability? If so, what would differentiate revolutionary from politician? As we ponder those questions and leave, Gaddar shoots another viewpoint – at us. "Globalisation has caused everyone to be "on hire". You people may be paid Rs 30,000. Your boss much more. But do you have a moment to listen to music. Saying this, he launches into a song: "Lootere Ki Chandni Loot Jaata Hai…" Getting this story ready for print, we might be tempted to agree…